▼ In post-conflict societies, the political and legal systems are often both the worst affected and also the key to reform. This is true of Palestine where, ever since the establishment of the Palestinian Authority in 1995 under the Oslo Accords, much emphasis has been placed on the need for legal and political renewal. This dissertation assesses whether constitutional reform may provide a solution to the ongoing political crisis in Palestine. The central focus falls on the Palestinian Basic Law, its origins, current challenges and future prospects. The thesis argues that there is a need for a new constitution that meets citizens’ demands for democracy, human rights and national unity.The thesis begins by analysing the nature and causes of the current political crisis, starting with the fallout between the two major Palestinian political parties, Fatah and Hamas. From 2006, with Hamas’ victory in the parliamentary elections, Palestinians have been separated between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, controlled by Fatah and Hamas respectively. Various de facto changes to the political system envisaged by the Basic Law have followed this separation: there are now effectively two governments with different political programmes, different ideologies (secularism and radical Islam), and an absent Legislative Council. With the passage of time, the Palestinian political crisis has turned into a legal and constitutional crisis as the Basic Law has become an integral part of the problem rather than a solution. In the absence of a functioning constitutional system, Fatah and Hamas have violated the rule of law, democracy and human rights. This thesis argues that part of the solution to the crisis lies in adopting a hybrid federal-consociationalist system that takes into account the specificity of the Palestinian situation, including the current geopolitical separation, the Israeli occupation, and the reasons behind the lack of governmental stability. In pursuing this argument, the thesis assesses the relative merits of federalism and consociationalism in post-conflict settings, and conducts a comparative analysis of three Middle Eastern countries in which constitutional reforms have been attempted. Advisors/Committee Members: Roux, Theunis, Law, Faculty of Law, UNSW, Glass, Arthur, Law, Faculty of Law, UNSW.

▼ National security and development is the goal of national existence. For a long time, to protect national security and peopleâs rights to subsistence is every modern nationâs aim and also the fundamental value of a country's existence. With security issues relevant to human survival emerging, security challenges faced by the modern state became more rigorous and complicated. Examining the situation of our national security, we can find out itâs very severe and intricacy. Every affair such as the foreign affairs, defense and cross-strait affairs are affecting our country's security and development. The main reason is the threat of force came from the People's Republic of China, as well as the international pressure all the time. However, following the rapid expansion of globalization, the current security concept has beyond the traditional tern from military and political and expand into economic, energy, environmental protection, science, technology and other aspects. Facing the double challenges of traditional and non-traditional security issues, does Taiwan's constitutional system capabilities to accommodate the new circumstances change and requirements in society to allot with the all kinds of challenge at the present stage? How does the function and the operation of the institution should be strengthened and adjusted in order to respond the major crisis and safeguard national security? All these, and so on, all have to be re-conducting an overall review and planning. And one of the most critical issues is to clarify the position, organization, functions and operation of the National Security Council, and also is the thesisâs research motive. Advisors/Committee Members: Wen-Cheng Lin (committee member), Samuel C.Y.Ku (chair), Ying-Yao Cheng (chair).

▼ Celem rozprawy jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie, jaką rolę w procesie polskiej transformacji ustrojowej odegrał Trybunał Konstytucyjny. Zawarta w pracy analiza pozwala ustalić, czy działalność orzecznicza Trybunału Konstytucyjnego stanowiła rodzaj (model) procesu legitymizacji systemu prawa, a więc procesu wykazywania, że nowy system prawa jest prawowity (legitymowany, słuszny). W ramach realizacji wymienionego wyżej celu w pracy przedstawione zostały dotychczasowe ustalenia teoretyczne w zakresie wskazanej problematyki oraz wyniki badań empirycznych na reprezentatywnych orzeczeniach Trybunału Konstytucyjnego, wydanych w latach 1989-1997. W wyniku przeprowadzonych badań wyodrębnione zostały takie orzeczenia Trybunału Konstytucyjnego wydane w okresie transformacji ustrojowej, które zawierają argumentację legitymizującą nowo tworzony system prawa. Innym celem pracy jest wykazanie, że wraz z legitymizacją nowego systemu prawa, Trybunał dokonywał delegitymizacji norm obowiązujących w systemie poprzednim. Analizie poddano przebieg transformacji ustrojowej z perspektywy aktywności sądu konstytucyjnego, który uzupełniał lub korygował działalność ustawodawcy. Wyniki przeprowadzonych badań empirycznych wskazują na kolejny, nie analizowany dotąd, aspekt polskich przeobrażeń ustrojowych, tj. na prowadzenie przez Trybunał Konstytucyjny procesu legitymizacji nowego systemu prawa. Advisors/Committee Members: Mikołajewicz, Jarosław.Promotor (advisor), Smolak, Marek. Promotor (advisor).

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Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo aprofundar o estudo das normas constitucionais transitórias. Seu eixo principal é a análise do Ato das Disposições Constitucionais Transitórias da Constituição (ADCT) da Constituição Federal de 1988. Para isso, foi percorrido um caminho histórico que resgata, desde o objetivo, as características e o processo de formação de uma constituição em um Estado Democrático de Direito, aos modelos de transição constitucional que marcaram não só a história do Brasil, mas diversos outros países; como pano de fundo, são apresentadas as técnicas constituintes que servem para a elaboração das Cartas que os regem. O estudo aborda a finalidade e o uso político das disposições transitórias durante o transcorrer dos anos e suas implicações jurídicas, estas últimas, relacionadas especialmente ao papel que desempenham quanto às interpretações das normas que formam o corpo permanente da Constituição. Em regra, define-se disposição transitória como uma norma elaborada para perdurar por um tempo determinado no ordenamento jurídico. Esta concepção é, inclusive, compartilhada por diversos doutrinadores. Parece-nos, contudo, que esta ideia costuma ser apresentada de forma descolada de uma análise mais aprofundada sobre a natureza e a finalidade das disposições transitórias no contexto da Constituição Federal de 1988. Atualmente o corpo transitório da nossa Constituição já alcançou quase 100 artigos. É um número relevante e que, certamente, ultrapassa o tamanho do corpo permanente de várias constituições internacionais. A pesquisa enfrenta temas que se inter-relacionam como o papel do Poder Constituinte e os diversos processos de transição constitucional ocorridos no Brasil. É lugar comum afirmar que o Poder Constituinte se manifesta por meio de uma revolução. Menos abordada é a possibilidade de sua atuação com base em um processo de transição de regime político e jurídico menos turbulento. Não só a perspectiva jurídica das disposições constitucionais transitórias será analisada, mas, principalmente, o seu viés político. Tendo em vista as modalidades de transição constitucional pelas quais passou o Brasil em décadas recentes e que culminaram com a promulgação da Constituição de 1988 a análise destas disposições é fundamental para a compreensão da sua real função no nosso sistema constitucional, diante da evolução político-constitucional do país. No que tange à análise técnica destas disposições, são apresentados seus conceitos doutrinários, funções e classificação. Apesar da presença maciça das disposições transitórias na Constituição de 1988, percebemos que são raros os estudos teóricos dedicados ao tema. Aqueles que se aventuraram a tratá-lo auxiliaram significativamente para o seu melhor entendimento e supriram uma importante lacuna para o qual este estudo também pretende contribuir

This research aims to provide a further study of transitional constitutional norms. Its main foundation is the analysis of the Transitional Constitutional Provisions Act of the Constitution (ADCT) of the Federal Constitution of…

Advisors/Committee Members: Marcelo de Oliveira Fausto Figueiredo Santos.

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Conçue comme l'évolution progressive d'un régime politique souvent autoritaire vers la démocratie, la transition démocratique est une expression générique qui désigne des situations très diverses. Supposée être amorcée dans les États d'Afrique subsaharienne francophone en même temps que les indépendances de 1960, ce phénomène résulterait de la transposition par les anciennes colonies de la constitution française de la Ve République. Mais la simple importation de cette norme, suivie de son application pendant une période réduite d'un quart de siècle, suffit-elle à elle seule pour qualifier les pays concernés de démocratiques ? A mi-chemin entre le droit constitutionnel, l'histoire et les sciences politiques, cette étude comparative porte sur les exemples sénégalais et gabonais. Ayant d'abord pour but de démontrer la pluralité du processus de démocratisation en Afrique subsaharienne francophone, ces travaux mettent ensuite en exergue les efforts consentis depuis les indépendances à cette fin. Analysant les textes constitutionnels et la pratique institutionnelle, ils dressent un état des lieux critique de la situation dans ces deux pays.

Conceived as the progressive evolution of an often authoritarian political regime towards the democracy, the democratic transition is a generic expression which designates very diverse situations. Supposed to be initiated in the French-speaking sub-Saharan African states at the same time as the independence of 1960, this phenomenon would result from the transposition by the former colonies of the French constitution of the Fifth Republic. But simply importing this standard, followed by its application for a period of a quarter of a century, is enough to qualify the countries concerned as democratic? Halfway between constitutional law, history and political science, this comparative study focuses on Senegalese and Gabonese examples. First, aiming to demonstrate the plurality of the process of democratization in French-speaking sub-Saharan Africa, this work then highlights the efforts made since independence to this end. Analyzing the constitutional texts and the institutional practice, they draw up a critical inventory of the situation in these two countries.

Advisors/Committee Members: Juhel, Christophe (thesis director).

▼ Over the last thirty years, research on the immigration policy-making of liberal democratic states has been preoccupied with the puzzle of why migrant inflows have reached unprecedented levels in Western countries, despite popular calls for restrictionism. A common response of scholars to this puzzle is that whilst governments endeavour to reflect public preferences for restrictive immigration policy, they are prevented from doing so by norms and institutions that are characteristic of liberal democracies. These ‘liberal constraints’ include the national judiciary; international human rights norms; and supranational institutions, such as the European Union. But what of the national legislature? What is the role of this key liberal institution in shaping immigration law within Western democracies? On this question, the literature says remarkably little. This thesis endeavours to redress this apparent neglect. Its case study is the United Kingdom, which is viewed, on the basis of existing research, as a ‘most-likely’ case for having a weak legislature; and in which the executive branch of government has been shown to be relatively unconstrained by the judiciary in comparison with other European states. Does anything, then, act to constrain the immigration restrictionism of the British government? Informed by a novel theoretical framework, ‘interpretive political opportunity structures’, the investigation focuses upon the Parliamentary passage of a single policy: the Immigration Bill 2013-14. Its analysis is based on a detailed examination of the Bill and its legislative process; and on thirty-three interviews that I conducted with key immigration policy stakeholders, including two Government ministers, one from each of the Coalition parties; Government and Opposition MPs; members of the House of Lords; civil servants; legal professionals; and lobbyists. The findings reveal that the UK Parliament had an important liberalising impact upon the Bill, acting to constrain the restrictionist bent of the executive. If the UK is accepted as a case in which we are most likely to find the opposite of this, i.e., a legislature impotent against a dominant executive, then the orthodox view that the legislature is in general a marginal actor in shaping immigration law may have to be revised. Notably, the unelected upper chamber, the House of Lords, appeared to constitute a stronger check on executive power than the elected lower chamber, the House of Commons. This is consonant with Peers’ understanding of their duty to legislate responsibly, rather than responsively (i.e., in line with popular opinion) like MPs in the Commons. Insulated from populist pressures, the Lords invites comparison with respect to its function and impact to the judiciaries of other Western nations, suggesting, perhaps, that in the British constitutional system, known for its pusillanimous judiciary, the Lords evidences an ‘adaptation’ to the marked power imbalance between the judicial and executive branches of the UK state.

▼ Over the last thirty years, research on the immigration policy-making of liberal democratic states has been preoccupied with the puzzle of why migrant inflows have reached unprecedented levels in Western countries, despite popular calls for restrictionism. A common response of scholars to this puzzle is that whilst governments endeavour to reflect public preferences for restrictive immigration policy, they are prevented from doing so by norms and institutions that are characteristic of liberal democracies. These ‘liberal constraints’ include the national judiciary; international human rights norms; and supranational institutions, such as the European Union. But what of the national legislature? What is the role of this key liberal institution in shaping immigration law within Western democracies? On this question, the literature says remarkably little. This thesis endeavours to redress this apparent neglect. Its case study is the United Kingdom, which is viewed, on the basis of existing research, as a ‘most-likely’ case for having a weak legislature; and in which the executive branch of government has been shown to be relatively unconstrained by the judiciary in comparison with other European states. Does anything, then, act to constrain the immigration restrictionism of the British government? Informed by a novel theoretical framework, ‘interpretive political opportunity structures’, the investigation focuses upon the Parliamentary passage of a single policy: the Immigration Bill 2013-14. Its analysis is based on a detailed examination of the Bill and its legislative process; and on thirty-three interviews that I conducted with key immigration policy stakeholders, including two Government ministers, one from each of the Coalition parties; Government and Opposition MPs; members of the House of Lords; civil servants; legal professionals; and lobbyists. The findings reveal that the UK Parliament had an important liberalising impact upon the Bill, acting to constrain the restrictionist bent of the executive. If the UK is accepted as a case in which we are most likely to find the opposite of this, i.e., a legislature impotent against a dominant executive, then the orthodox view that the legislature is in general a marginal actor in shaping immigration law may have to be revised. Notably, the unelected upper chamber, the House of Lords, appeared to constitute a stronger check on executive power than the elected lower chamber, the House of Commons. This is consonant with Peers’ understanding of their duty to legislate responsibly, rather than responsively (i.e., in line with popular opinion) like MPs in the Commons. Insulated from populist pressures, the Lords invites comparison with respect to its function and impact to the judiciaries of other Western nations, suggesting, perhaps, that in the British constitutional system, known for its pusillanimous judiciary, the Lords evidences an ‘adaptation’ to the marked power imbalance between the judicial and executive branches of the UK state.

▼ In the process of the constitutional development of various countries in modern times, the Constitution is the fundamental law of a country, the guarantee for the rights of the people, the general charter and blueprint for the construction of the country, and the purpose and ideal of establishing the nation. State agencies and organizations, the government's power to operate, the people's rights and obligations and other matters, can not be clearly defined and reflected through the constitution. It can be said that whether a country can maintain its long-term stability and prosper its country will depend on whether its constitution can be surely observed and practiced. Often, the constitution is often the result of ideals, purity and sanctity, which is the great result that the martyrs of the revolution in a country did without sacrificing their lives. Usually politics, in order to coordinate the interests and forces of all parties, often must be relocated to reality and compromise concessions. In order to ensure the constitutional politics (constitutional politics) of the hard work - the Constitution, not under the normal politics (by the government and interest groups deal with the result of the compromise - the law, the unlawful erosion, therefore, the constitutional system We must establish a review system of unconstitutionality in order to safeguard and defend the supremacy of the Constitution and prevent the erosion of the "common law" of "representative politics", which has transformed the purity, ideality and sanctity of the Constitution. Taiwan and the Mainland, however, have quite different constitutional systems since the partition of the sea for more than 60 years. However, although the two sides of the Taiwan Strait belong to different powers of governance and no matter what their future political reality is, Taiwan and the Mainland belong to the same genre and history. The relationship between culture, geography, international politics, economy and trade is too close. Taiwan and the Mainland are both hard-pressed to influence each other. Although the legal system in Taiwan and the Mainland has all followed the European continent, one is a political system based on the five-power constitution of the father-in-law, and the other is a political system that serves the dictatorship of the proletariat established by socialism. The system of judges in Taiwan's Judicial Yuan is a judicial power, while the system of the All-China Congress in the Mainland is equivalent to that of the Western countries in terms of the legislative power. There are considerable differences between the two. However, at present, the vast majority of the research on unconstitutional review system in our country is directed at the application of the system or law in Taiwan as the research subject, and the monopoly on the examination of unconstitutional or judicial review in mainland China can be described as extremely rare. It is rare to see further the comparison of the constitutional review system of cross-Strait studies as the… Advisors/Committee Members: none (chair), Shuai-Liang Deng (committee member), none (chair), none (chair), none (chair).

▼ The idea of âsemi-presidential systemâ was proposed by Duverger (1980), and it aroused substantial following studies. Newly rising democratic countries have also adopted semi-presidential system. After 1990, Taiwan also adopted a semi-presidential systems right after the constitution revised. As the member of the system, the understanding and improvement of theoretical and practical for the system is necessary and timing. This study will plan to compare the constitutional frameworks and operational types of semi-presidential countries between France and Taiwan. We try to find the variables that influence the constitutional operation. We expect this study can provide a causal model for the further empirical research. After compare the constitutional statues and its operations difference between France and Taiwan, we have the constitutional statues boundary of semi-presidential system. We also have the constitutional operations basic rule by constitutional interpretation. To be a normative constitution, that is, its norms govern the political process or the power process adjusts itself to the norms, constitutional operations should be operate between the âboundaryâ and the âbasic ruleâ. We expect this study can provide a dialogue platform between political science and law and construct an operative standard for judicial review. Advisors/Committee Members: none (committee member), none (chair), none (chair), none (chair), nome (chair), none (chair).

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Isaiah Berlin pensait que la démocratie libérale se fonde sur le pluralisme radical. Érigeant le « scepticisme » en « valeur éternelle », il définissait le libéralisme comme le fait d'accepter les opinions divergentes et « d'admettre que ce sont peut-être vos adversaires qui ont raison ». Dans toute démocratie libérale, ce scepticisme se traduit entre autre par l'existence d'une opposition parlementaire. Au début du siècle dernier, Fahlbeck expliquait que « l'élément permanent » du parlementarisme, « c'est l'antagonisme entre le parti de gouvernement et de l'opposition ». Le juriste Adolf Arndt définissait la démocratie comme « un État avec opposition » : « le rang accordé à l'opposition détermine, dans une démocratie, le rang du parlement ». Alors qu'elle a été reconnue tôt dans les pays anglo-saxons, sur le continent l'opposition est longtemps restée ignorée du droit. C'est pourquoi il convient de voir comment la France et l'Allemagne, deux systèmes continentaux suffisamment proches pour être comparés mais simultanément différents, ont abordé le problème. Si dans un cas comme dans l'autre l'opposition parlementaire est « reconnue », elle ne l'est qu'« imparfaitement ». Dans quelle mesure le droit peut-il encadrer et institutionnaliser l'opposition parlementaire, fruit de contingences politiques ? Afin qu'elle remplisse efficacement ses missions de tribune, de contrôle et de contre-pouvoir, le droit peut-il contraindre l'opposition ? L'opposition parlementaire exerce-t-elle les mêmes fonctions selon que l'on se trouve de ce côté-ci ou de ce côté-là du Rhin ? Par quels canaux ces fonctions tendent-elles, le cas échéant, à être remplies ?

Parliamentary opposition is certainly an evidence of parliamentarism, but it is not easily defined because of its extreme institutional and behavioural variability, to such an extent that constitutional law fails to be realized. This opposition is partially unwritten as its foundation and practice have preceded its the official recognition by strict law. But, by definition, formal law cannot cover all the oppositional phenomenon’s configuration possibilities, as proven by the importance of conventions beyond written law. Despite everything, its institutionalization was finally required. The vocation of constitutional law is indeed to fix fulcrums for political game, but the question of the juridicity of such a phenomenon must be dealt with. The aim of this work consists of underlining the delicate connection between constitutional law and the parliamentary opposition in Germany and France. If law struggles (imperfectly) to capture it, then in return the opposition mobilizes the juridical instruments that are placed at its disposition. However, this relationship is ambiguous, since constitutional law does not limit itself to writing and because some determinant variables have influenced the implementation of juridical texts. Thus the “performance” of the oppositional phenomenon is not assured, even if it was recognized by the law. The examination of the legal significance of the…

Advisors/Committee Members: Le Divellec, Armel (thesis director).

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The present assignment has for objective the analysis of the systemic compatibility and the constitutionality of the only paragraph of the article 116 of the National Tax Code, introduced by the Supplement Law n 104 of 2001, as general anti-avoidance rule in the Brazilian tax constitutional system. With a bibliographic analysis is approached a building of this tax constitutional system, and its elements which inform the concept about the tax avoidance, and with this to recognize it like a fundamental right of the taxpayer. This is also searched to explain the impossibility of the valid creation of a general anti-avoidance rule in this system, because it breaks the constitutional limitations to the tax power in the Federal Constitution. This is also searched if the cited device constitutes a anti-avoidance rule or must be characterized for the combat to the tax evasion and concluded about its constitutionality, or not. All over this are made with the objective to reinforce this system like a general limitation for the tax power and like a right of the taxpayer that consists in the taxation according to the constitutional form.

A presente monografia tem por objeto a análise da compatibilidade sistêmica e da constitucionalidade do parágrafo único do artigo (art.) 116 do Código Tributário Nacional (CTN), introduzido pela Lei Complementar n 104 de 2001, como uma norma geral antielisão dentro do sistema constitucional tributário brasileiro. A partir de uma análise bibliográfica, aborda-se a construção desse sistema constitucional tributário, bem como de seus elementos que informam o conceito de elisão tributária, e a partir daí reconhece-se a mesma como direito fundamental do contribuinte. Também demonstra-se a impossibilidade da criação válida de uma norma geral antielisiva dentro desse sistema, por transgredir as limitações ao poder de tributar postas na Constituição Federal (CF). Igualmente analisa-se se o dispositivo referido constitui uma norma antielisiva ou se deve ser caracterizado para o combate á evasão fiscal, concluindo-se sobre a sua constitucionalidade, ou não. Tudo isso no objetivo de reforçar esse sistema como uma limitação geral ao poder de tributar e como direito do contribuinte que consiste na tributação conforme a forma constitucional.

Advisors/Committee Members: Edvaldo Pereira de Brito.

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Sous la Ve République, la seconde chambre a été conçue par le constituant comme un soutien prédisposé au Gouvernement et au régime nouvellement établi, eu égard à l’incertitude d’une majorité parlementaire à l’Assemblée nationale. La survenue imprévue de celle-ci aboutit à un rapprochement organique mais aussi fonctionnel de l’Assemblée nationale avec le Gouvernement. La discordance fréquente des majorités parlementaires place alors le Sénat et le bicamérisme dans une position institutionnelle délicate. Devenu un acquis du système politique, le fait majoritaire s’observe incontestablement, depuis l’alternance de 1981, au sein comme entre les deux chambres et influence leur organisation, leur fonctionnement et l’exercice de leurs prérogatives constitutionnelles. Les différentes configurations majoritaires témoignent en revanche d’une certaine spécificité du Sénat du point de vue du fait majoritaire et d’un exercice effectif et non orienté de la fonction parlementaire vis-à-vis du Gouvernement. Le Sénat trouve sa justification dans sa différenciation avec l’autre assemblée et la distanciation qu’il entretient avec le Gouvernement révèle le caractère équilibré du bicamérisme de la Ve République. L’institutionnalisation d’une majorité et ses particularités dans chacune des deux chambres conduisent le droit constitutionnel et le droit parlementaire à ne pas exclure les phénomènes extra-normatifs afin d’appréhender les institutions politiques dans leur fonctionnement effectif.

At the time of the Fifth Republic, the second chamber was devised by the framers of the Constitution as a predisposed support to the Government and the newly-established regime, given the uncertainty of a parliamentary majority within the National Assembly. The unexpected arrival of such a majority led to a closer organic and functional relationship between the National Assembly and the Government. The frequent lack of harmony between parliamentary majorities then put the Senate and the bicameral system in a delicate institutional position. Having become an established right of the political system, majority rule has clearly been observed since the 1981 power changeover, both inside either chamber and between them. It also affects their organisation, the way they operate and exercise their constitutional prerogatives. However, the different majority configurations show a certain specificity of the Senate from the majority rule point of view and in the actual and non-oriented exercise of its parliamentary function in relation with the other chamber, and its distancingfrom the Government reveals the well-balanced nature of the Fifth Republic's bicameralism. As that majority became institutionalised, and because of its specificities in ether chamber, constitutional law and parliamentary law were led not to exclude non-normative occurences in order to gain an understanding of the way political institutions actually work.

Advisors/Committee Members: Portelli, Hugues (thesis director).

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A presente tese de doutorado analisa, de forma crítica, a interpretação dada ao texto constitucional na parte em que trata das competências tributárias, tendo em vista a rigidez da discriminação dessas competências. Procura-se verificar se é adequada a interpretação muitas vezes pretendida para as palavras e expressões empregadas no texto, segundo a qual nelas se veiculam termos de conceito, cujo significado é extraído geralmente de lições colhidas no âmbito do Direito Privado, e ainda em visão estática, assimilando o conceito como entendido no momento da entrada em vigor da Constituição. Para empreender a análise crítica, parte-se do exame histórico das constituições brasileiras, verificando se, na passagem de uma para outra, com a alteração da distribuição de competências, as palavras e expressões permitem, já no plano constitucional, certeza quanto a seu significado. Em seguida, faz-se análise da forma de pensar a realidade, levando em consideração o conceito e o tipo. Busca-se refletir sobre a possibilidade de existência de abertura e graduabilidade na figura dos tributos, ainda no plano constitucional, o que afasta o obrigatório emprego de conceitos de Direito Privado e acena para a admissão de tipos. Considera-se também a mudança pela qual passou a interpretação do Direito, sobretudo tendo em vista as técnicas de interpretação constitucional, como premissa para analisar a alegada imposição literal e automática do art. 110 do Código Tributário Nacional, que cuida da interpretação das regras de competência e determinaria a opção por conceitos de Direito Privado, sempre que os termos utilizados na Constituição tiverem correspondentes em tais conceitos. Com fundamento nessa análise, procura-se verificar os limites à interpretação das regras de competência, caso se tolere maior abertura. Admitir outras significações das palavras, além da conceitual privatista, ou admitir a interpretação global da regra de competência sem a análise específica de cada palavra, não implica aceitar falta de rigidez ao sistema. Por mais que a regra só seja construída diante da realidade, atual e verificável no tempo, e não se restrinja à análise palavra por palavra, prévia, estanque e jusprivatista, o texto traz programa normativo cujo limite é delineado por vários fatores, dentre os quais a amplitude histórica do tributo, o confronto com as demais regras de competência e com os princípios da tributação, o recurso à linguagem natural e ainda à prática discursiva.

This doctoral thesis conducts a critical analysis of how constitutional text is interpreted, more specifically the section that addresses taxing powers, considering how strictly such powers are discriminated. The aim is to determine whether the interpretation often intended for words and expressions deployed in that text is appropriate. According to such interpretation, the text carries concept terms whose meaning is usually derived from lessons in the field of Private Law; and also under a static perspective, assimilating the concept as it was construed when the…

Advisors/Committee Members: Luis Eduardo Schoueri, Paulo Ayres Barreto, Roberto Catalano Botelho Ferraz, Eros Roberto Grau, Fernando Aurelio Zilveti Arce Murillo.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico

Undoubtedly the Constitution itself as the fundamental pillar of all the brazilian legal system. Immersed in this Constitutional environment law, there is a visible effort to protect a number of fundamental rights, among which exsurgem property rights and freedom, especially through some legal principles, such as the reasonableness and proportionality, that should radiate effects on all tax law. In this context, one should keep in mind that the tax normative plexus is composed not only of the obligation to pay tribute. In the present study, it is important to highlight the specific field of accessory obligations. These impose a legal relationship whose object (prestacional element) refers to behavior or performance, positive or negative, to do or not do, the particular in cooperation with the government in the interest of tax revenues and inspections. They do not have a pecuniary nature, which is why they are also called for cooperation duties. Make up the so-called compliance costs. To limit fundamental rights, your institution is only permitted in strictly specific and necessary cases. However, more recently it has been found by the state excessive imposition of accessory obligations which in no way helps the control activity or tax revenue, but only makes it complex and costly to particular activity. In some cases you can view real overlapping obligations that the cable fulfill the same purpose. The aim of this dissertation is simple. From the tax constitutional system analysis, we intend to demonstrate that the current system of institutions and compliance of ancillary obligations drastically affects the fundamental rights of taxpayers, which could be avoided if some legal principles were taken into consideration

Sem dúvida alguma a Constituição Federal se apresenta como o pilar fundamental de todo o ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. Imerso nesse ambiente constitucional de Direito, verificase um visível esforço em se tutelar uma série de direitos fundamentais, dentre os quais o livre exercício de atividade econômica e o direito de propriedade, especialmente através de alguns princípios jurídicos, como os da razoabilidade, proporcionalidade e praticabilidade, que devem irradiar efeitos sobre todo o ordenamento jurídico tributário. Nesse contexto, há de se ter em mente que o plexo normativo tributário não é composto apenas da obrigação de pagar o tributo. No presente estudo, importa destacar o específico campo das obrigações acessórias. Estas impõem uma relação jurídica cujo objeto (elemento prestacional) designa …

Advisors/Committee Members: Costa, Regina Helena.

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This thesis aims, firstly, to identify in which way the elections rules, especially those linked to party coalitions, are related with the essential and constitutionally established rules that founded the Democracy, starting from a required theoretical study in order to conclude for the unconstitutionality of any provisions contrary to Constitutional Democracy outlined by the 1988 Constitution. It is well-known that the concept of a Democratic State varies according to the greater and effective participation of the people not only in elections but also in a number of decisions by the political power, through a mechanism of "rules of the game" previously established in the Constitution prevailing the will of the majority represented over the losing minority. Although others constitutional mechanisms of popular participation in political decisions deserve proper scholarly attention, this work seeks to analyze, precisely, the context and the rules of elections, in order to verify the constitutionality of organizational procedures of those who intend, through political parties, to exercise, representatively, the power of the people in decision-making. Nevertheless, taking into account that all power emanates from the people, the analysis of the rules governing the political and legislative process has the role to gather legal arguments which allows to state whether the rules of the game modified by the political power established by Constitutional Amendment n.º 52/2006 - which expressly allowed the formation of asymmetric party coalitions at the federal and state level - are compatible or not with the Constitution and with the idea of Constitutional Democracy based on the theory of unconstitutionality of constitutional amendments

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo, primeiramente, identificar de que modo se relacionam as normas regradoras das eleições, mormente aquelas relativas às coligações, com as normas essenciais e constitucionalmente estabelecidas fundantes da Democracia, a partir de necessário estudo teórico, para que se possa concluir pela inconstitucionalidade de eventuais dispositivos contrários à Democracia Constitucional delineada pela Constituição de 1988. Sabe-se que a conceituação do Estado Democrático varia de acordo com a maior e efetiva participação do povo não apenas em eleições, mas também nas diversas decisões do poder político, através de um mecanismo de “regras do jogo” previamente estabelecidas na Constituição, em que prevalecerá a vontade da maioria representada em detrimento da minoria vencida. Embora os demais mecanismos constitucionais de participação popular nas decisões…

Advisors/Committee Members: Mendes, Antonio Carlos.

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In the current world economic organization, an increasing number of the concentration of companies in conglomerates, in order to maximize profit and solidify its market performance. The Brazilian tax authorities, aware of this fact, created thesis, which want to apply joint and several liability provided for in art. 124, I, of the National Tax Code, companies that make up these clusters, under the allegation of common interest. Indeed, another advantage envisioned by the Treasury would be the interruption of prescription for the redirection of tax foreclosures arranged in art. 125, the National Tax Code, if solidarity is recognized. This strategy would prevent a wide range of tax foreclosures often filed outside the limitation lapse succumbed, compared to the demonstrated inertia. Our goal with this study was to examine whether, before the provisions of constitutional tax system and the tax code, the tax authorities of the reasons could thrive. To this end, we fix a definition of "economic group" that would serve the Tax Law, regarding the joint liability and concluded that not enough single command, being a necessary condition to the common interest in making the fact enforceable. We analyze the existing reporting relationships in tax law, the need for complementary law providing for passive subjection and their respective treatment in the tax code. We are also concerned to launch our attention to procedural and procedural aspects present in the National Tax Code and the Tax Enforcement Law and Article 50 of the Civil Code, to understand how the tax could be made in the face of the companies composing the business groups. Given this effort, we concluded only be possible to the constitution of the tax credit in the face of business partnerships that comprise economic group, in case of joint realization of even enforceable fact, at the time of occurrence of the tax liability. The recovery of the claim, formed after the certificate of outstanding debt, the redirection will be held due to fraudulent behavior, which involves third parties, or, in responsibility for or violations

Na atual organização econômica mundial, cada vez mais observamos o fenômeno de concentração das empresas em conglomerados, com o objetivo de potencializar o lucro e solidificar sua atuação no mercado. O Fisco brasileiro, atento a essa circunstância, criou tese, na qual quer aplicar a responsabilidade solidária, prevista no art. 124, I, do Código Tributário Nacional, às empresas que compõem esses conglomerados, sob a alegação de existência de interesse comum. Certamente, outra vantagem vislumbrada pelo Fisco seria a interrupção da prescrição para o redirecionamento…

Advisors/Committee Members: Lisboa, Julcira Maria de Mello Vianna.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico

The present document is the Tax Planning and Anti-Avoidance rules analysis core. In this context, we analyze the existence and compatibility of these standards in our Constitutional Tax System, always arguing for the absence of this relevance regarding our legal system. There are further analyses of the arguments used by the administrative authority for requalification of taxes on legal business, always having na attitude in order to refute any arguments grounded in foreign legislation or not legal foundation. There is, therefore, an effort to achieve a logical and systematic triggering around the theme, adopting and approach of strictly legal tax nature to this aspiration, having in the Constitutional Tax System its greatest grounding validity

O presente trabalho tem como núcleo de análise o Planejamento Tributário e as Normas Antielisivas. Nesse contexto, buscamos analisar a existência e compatibilidade dessas normas em nosso Sistema Constitucional Tributário sempre argumentando pela ausência de pertinencialidade dessas em relação ao nosso ordenamento normativo. Analisamos ainda os argumentos utilizados pela autoridade administrativa para requalificação dos efeitos tributários em negócios jurídicos, adotando sempre uma postura de forma a refutar qualquer tipo de argumentação embasada em legislação alienígena ou fundamentação não jurídica. Buscou-se, portanto, alcançar um desencadeamento lógico e sistemático em torno do tema, adotando para tal desiderato, uma abordagem de natureza estritamente jurídica tributária, tendo no Sistema Constitucional Tributário o seu maior fundamento de validade

Advisors/Committee Members: Carvalho, Paulo de Barros.

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Este trabalho examina a interpretação dos dispositivos constitucionais que atribuem competências tributárias aos entes federados (União, Estados, Distrito Federal e Municípios). Tais enunciados normativos constituem o material bruto a partir do qual o intérprete reconstrói as chamadas "regras de competência tributária": normas que predeterminam aquilo que pode ser objeto de disciplina pelo legislador infraconstitucional para criação de tributos. A presente obra tem duas finalidades. De um lado, pretende analisar a questão do "como" se atribui significado a esses dispositivos. Nesse sentido, enfrenta questões ligadas à teoria da interpretação, aos tipos de operações realizadas pelos intérpretes e aos limites da atividade interpretativa. De outro lado, propõe-se a examinar a questão do "porquê" o significado atribuído é o correto, e não outro. Isto é, por que o significado "X" – e não o significado "Y" ou "Z" – deve ser considerado como a melhor interpretação de determinada expressão constitucional usada para delimitar o poder de tributar? Para responder a essa pergunta, o trabalho investiga os argumentos utilizados no âmbito do STF e os fundamentos constitucionais que lhes emprestam força para justificar as decisões interpretativas. Ao final, o trabalho propõe diretrizes materiais de preferência argumentativa, de tal modo a viabilizar algum controle sobre a interpretação dos dispositivos constitucionais responsáveis por limitar o poder tributário estatal.

This dissertation examines the interpretation of constitutional provisions that assign tax power to federal entities (Union, States, Federal District and Municipalities). These normative statements constitute the raw material from which the interpreter reconstructs the so-called "tax competence rules": norms that predetermine what can be subject to discipline by the infraconstitutional legislator to create taxes. The present work has two purposes. On one hand, it aims to analyze the question of "how" meaning is assigned to these provisions. In this sense, it deals with issues related to the theory of interpretation, the operations performed by the interpreters and the limits of interpretive activity. On the other hand, it sets out to examine the question of "why" the assigned meaning is the correct one, and not another. That is, why meaning "X" - and not meaning "Y" or "Z" - should be considered the best interpretation of a certain constitutional expression used to set limits on the power to tax? To answer this question, this work investigates the arguments used by the Brazilian Supreme Court (STF) and the constitutional foundations that give them strength to justify interpretive decisions. Ultimately, this work proposes material guidelines of argumentative preference, in order to allow some control over the interpretation of constitutional provisions responsible for limiting the state tax power.

Advisors/Committee Members: Ávila, Humberto Bergmann.

▼ It is common knowledge that owing to their particular vulnerability children worldwide falls prey to physical and/or sexual violence in the home and/or community or witness criminal acts. Consequently children are called upon to testify in a court of law to cruelties or acts of violence. As a result of their developmental shortcomings and immaturity, children find the criminal justice system extremely intimidating and challenging. The importance of realising a justice system that not only affords an accused person the right to a fair trial but also protects and safeguards the rights of the child victims of and witnesses to the crime is thus indisputable. The purpose of this research was therefore to assist the South African criminal justice system in its on-going challenge to find a balance between the right of the accused person to a fair trial and the protection and safeguarding of the rights of child victims and child witnesses. The protection and safeguarding of the rights of child victims and child witnesses in terms of the South African Constitution, applicable domestic law and international instruments relating thereto were extensively discussed and shortcomings identified. Possible solutions to ensure that child witnesses and child victims are adequately protected and supported during the trial stage of the criminal process were advanced. Particular emphasis was placed on the role of an intermediary in assisting child victims and child witnesses during the court process. Comparative research on the protection of child victims and child witnesses in the criminal justice systems of New Zealand and Namibia were also conducted. Conclusions drawn from comparative studies were used to recommend appropriate changes to the current system. It is submitted that the adequate protection and safeguarding of the rights of child victims and child witnesses are dependent not only on sound legal principles but also on governmental and other involved stakeholders’ commitment toward the realisation of these rights. In order to give proper effect to the protection and safeguarding of child victims’ and child witnesses’ rights, it is proposed that the recommendations made throughout this study should be adopted and implemented. In this regard the role of an intermediary is crucial and the use of intermediaries should be promoted. Advisors/Committee Members: Kruger, Johanna Margaretha (advisor), Lötter, Sunette, 1959- (advisor).

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En 1962, c’est-à-dire un an après son accession à l’indépendance, le Koweït s’est doté d’une constitution consacrant le caractère monarchique du régime et organisant formellement les relations entre les différents pouvoirs publics (législatif, exécutif et judiciaire). La Constitution proclame par ailleurs les droits et libertés individuels comme « naturelles, inaliénables et sacrées ». Mais encore faut-il se donner les moyens de les protéger. Autrement dit, comme pour la plupart des États, le Koweït devait résoudre, à son tour, les difficultés liées au contrôle des actes juridiques produisant un effet de droit. Sur ce point, une loi spéciale, adoptée par le législateur en 1973, donne naissance à une cour constitutionnelle chargée de vérifier la conformité des lois et des règlements à la Constitution. Reste à souligner que la justice constitutionnelle koweïtienne n’est pas à l’abri des critiques. Certes, la mise en place d’un juge gardien des libertés est un grand pas vers un État de droit, mais, du point de vue pratique, de nombreuses entraves existent qui font douter de l’effectivité de sa mission. Ce travail se propose d’identifier ces obstacles mais aussi l’effort d’adaptation de la juridiction constitutionnelle cherchant à apporter le maximum de protection aux droits et libertés constitutionnellement garantis. À ce titre, la comparaison avec le fonctionnement du Conseil constitutionnel en France peut être d’un grand intérêt, même s’il faut garder à l’esprit que chacune des deux institutions exerce sa fonction dans des conditions culturelles, juridiques, politiques et sociales très différentes.

In 1962, one year after the independence, Kuwait issued its constitution which adopted the Monarchical regime, and organized the formal relations among the different public authorities (Legislature, Executive and Judiciary). The constitution announced the individual rights and liberties as natural rights which are sacred and unalienable. So, it was necessary to provide means to protect such rights. In other words, as most of countries, Kuwait had to overcome the difficulties that related to control the constitutionality of legislations. Therefore, the legislator issued a special law in 1973, that gave a birth to the constitutional court, which is specializing in verifying the constitutionality of legislation. It remains to highlight that the Constitutional Judiciary in Kuwait is not in a shelter away from criticism. Certainly, the existence of a constitutional judge as a guard of liberties is a great step toward the state of law. But in the practice side there are many obstructions that raise doubts about the effectiveness of his mission. This research proposes to identify these obstructions and mentions the efforts to establish a constitutional justice, which seeks to achieve the greater part of the rights and liberties guaranteed by the constitution. Under this title, the comparison with the constitutional council in France may grant us great interests with keeping in mind that each institution exercises its own…

Advisors/Committee Members: Capitant, David (thesis director).

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Par « pluralisme démotique » nous proposons de désigner la coexistence de plusieurs peuples dans un système à plusieurs niveaux. Le pluralisme démotique s’inscrit à rebours de la conception moniste du peuple français majoritaire dans la doctrine française. L’ambition de cette thèse est de démontrer la coexistence de plusieurs peuples en droit constitutionnel français. À cette fin, le premier mouvement de la thèse explore d’autres manières de concevoir le peuple à travers une étude de systèmes à plusieurs niveaux de type fédéral (Inde,Allemagne, Etats-Unis, Suisse) et de type régional (Espagne, Royaume-Uni). Dans un second mouvement est proposée une théorie du pluralisme démotique multiniveaux. Cette contribution permet de rendre compte de la coexistence d’un peuple composite et de peuples composants dans un système à plusieurs niveaux. Le troisième mouvement de la thèse applique la grille théorique ainsi établie à deux systèmes juridiques en particulier : la France et l’Union européenne.

The expression of « demotic pluralism » is used to designate the coexistence of different people in a multilevel system. Contrary to the traditional monist definition of the French people, this thesis aims to demonstrate the coexistence of several demoi in French constitutional law. In order to do so, the demonstration is structured into three parts. First, we explore the pluralist definition of demos in multilevel systems: the federal (India, Germany,United States, Switzerland) and the regional type (Spain, United Kingdom). Then, we submita theory of multilevel demotic pluralism, which allows to describe and analyse the coexistence of a compound people and component people in a multilevel system. Finally, we apply this theoretical framework to the French legal system and to the European Union

Advisors/Committee Members: Heuschling, Luc (thesis director).

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Cette étude porte sur l’évolution de deux processus, à savoir l’internationalisation des Constitutions sud-américaines et la constitutionnalisation du droit international au sein des Etats sud-américains. Nous analysons l’existence ou l’absence d’une tendance dans le statut du droit international au sein des Constitutions dans la région. Pour ce faire, il y a un raisonnement en quatre étapes. La première étape consacrée à l’analyse des causes de l’inclusion du droit international au sein des Constitutions, la deuxième étape dédiée à l’étude de la reconnaissance constitutionnelle du droit international non conventionné, dans une troisième étape nous mesurerons l’influence du droit international et de la répartition des compétences des branches du pouvoir public sur la conclusion des traités. Finalement, dans une quatrième étape, c’est la valeur constitutionnelle des traités au sein des Constitutions Sud-Américaines qui va nous permettre d’identifier la position atypique des traités des droits de l’homme et de leur place privilégiée dans l’ordre juridique interne.

This study focuses on the evolution of two processes, the internationalization of South American constitutions and the constitutionalizing of international law within South American states. We analyze the existence or absence of a trend in the status of international law within the Constitutions in the region. To do this, there is a four-step reasoning. The first step devoted to the analysis of the causes of the inclusion of international law within the Constitutions, the second step dedicated to the study of the constitutional recognition of international law not under agreement, in a third step we will measure the influence of international law and the distribution of powers of the branches of public power on the conclusion of treaties. Finally, in a fourth step, it is the constitutional value of the treaties within the South American Constitutions which will allow us to identify the atypical position of human rights treaties and their privileged place in the legal order internal.

Advisors/Committee Members: Dubos, Olivier (thesis director), Platon, Sébastien (thesis director).

▼ This thesis is an inquiry into the challenges to the role of civic organisations in political reform during and after political transitions. The major question this research addresses is: How do institutions and institutional dynamics constrain political reform during a transition? The thesis examines how demands for reform by non-governmental organisations in Lebanon and Libya were not translated into concrete political decisions taken by regimes during a transition period. The thesis suggests that the combination of weak states and power-sharing agreements marginalizes civic organisations, and poses institutional constraints on the likelihood of reform. The thesis is based on contemporary research on events and reform trajectories in Lebanon and Libya, with a focus on the demands and strategies employed by activists during periods of transition. Lebanon between 2005 and 2010 and Libya between 2011 and 2013 underwent critical political events but subsequently did not adopt political reforms despite demands by civic organisations in two main areas: the electoral system in Lebanon and the constitutional process in Libya. A study of these two reform campaigns reveals deeply entrenched historical patterns and elements of continuity that led to path dependent outcomes during transition. By utilising theory and concepts from the perspective of historical institutionalism, the thesis identifies the factors behind path dependent outcomes in Lebanon and Libya. I argue that the transitions in Lebanon and Libya were a result of only ‘partially’ critical junctures. The thesis builds on the approach of path dependence by offering insights as to how historically inherited institutional dynamics from the previous regime can cause junctures to be only ‘partially’ critical for the broader political order. The main source of data comes from participant observations, interviews and focus groups with two organisations that tried to advance electoral reform and constitutional development. Advisors/Committee Members: Volpi, Frédéric (advisor).

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Le modèle réformiste de la Constitution de l’Angleterre a intellectuellement dominé la France du XIXe siècle. Synthèse des aspirations françaises visant la stabilité politique, cette représentation mêle un historicisme de l’accomplissement libéral du gouvernement représentatif et une adhésion à la légitimation coutumière de l’innovation. Elle procède d’un jeu de projections contradictoires sur la Constitution anglaise. D’une part, les libéraux romantiques identifient dans ses institutions, les conditions propres à préserver l’individu des abus du pouvoir et à permettre le développement de la démocratie. D’autre part, les traditionalistes perçoivent dans la continuité historique de l’Angleterre, les bienfaits structurants de la hiérarchie sociale et de la liberté aristocratique. Plus particulièrement, les Doctrinaires décèlent, dans la morphologie civilisationnelle de l’Angleterre, une société déployant la liberté dans l’ordre. C’est dans le parlementarisme, produit historique de l’évolution institutionnelle anglaise, que la doctrine politique finit par identifier le régime politique susceptible de clore les tensions révolutionnaires françaises. Pensé comme une matrice libératrice des énergies individuelles et conservatrice de l’ordre politique et social, il dépossède le chef de l’Etat de son pouvoir personnel, dans la mesure où il le rend irresponsable. En outre, il consacre le règne de l’opinion publique par la prédominance de la chambre élective et par la reconnaissance de la responsabilité politique des ministres. Enfin, il encadre l’action politique par les usages historiques hérités de la monarchie représentative. Fondé sur un projet politique, le parlementarisme français donne corps à une philosophie prudentielle du droit constitutionnel. Celle-ci conçoit la constitution comme un cadre institutionnel au sein duquel l’agir politique doit pouvoir adapter la société à son stade de développement historique. Le laconisme des Lois constitutionnelles de la Troisième République témoigne de l’enracinement de ce réformisme constitutionnel. Plus qu’un compromis politique de circonstances, il cristallise en effet une politique constitutionnelle libérale et conservatrice. Ce travail entend montrer qu’elle résulte de la modélisation française de la Constitution anglaise au XIXe siècle.

The reformist model of the English Constitution was intellectually predominant in nineteenth century France. As a synthesis of French yearnings for political stability, this representation historicises the liberal achievement of representative government and endorses the legitimacy of innovation through custom. It results from contradictory visualisations of the English Constitution. On the one hand, romantic liberals identify in its institutions the necessary elements to protect individuals from abuses of power and to allow the development of democracy. On the other hand, traditionalists perceive in England’s historical continuity the structuring benefits of social hierarchy and aristocratic freedom. More particularly, French Doctrinaires…

Advisors/Committee Members: Lauvaux, Philippe (thesis director).

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Esta Dissertação tem por objeto de estudo a Acusação criminal, cuja formulação foi consignada de forma destacada entre as atribuições institucionais do Ministério Público outorgadas pela Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988. No Relatório de Pesquisa abre-se uma conversação hermenêutica sobre a Acusação, delineando-se alguns conceitos essenciais à sua pré-compreensão. Também são destacadas as relações existentes entre a Acusação e os sistemas simbólicos: as percepções ou imagens sociais do Poder Punitivo que a estruturam e concomitantemente são por ela estruturadas. Perquire-se, ainda, sobre o modo como a Acusação se forma, analisando-se o entrelaçamento entre os hábitos de produção de consensos criminológicos e as formas jurídicas de reconhecimento de verdades. Num exame crítico, aborda-se o paradigma de Acusação dominante e as suas conseqüências na práxis acusatória do Ministério Público brasileiro. Como resultado da reflexão, prescreve-se um modelo de Acusação não-autoritária, que seja capaz de estabelecer-se com base no discernimento e reconhecimento da Verdade Acusatória pelo caminho da Hermenêutica Constitucional (razão acusatória emancipatória). Quanto à metodologia, utilizou-se na Investigação, o Método Indutivo; no Tratamento de Dados, o Método Cartesiano e, no Relatório dos Resultados, a base lógica é a Indutiva, com o apoio das Técnicas do Referente, da Categoria, do Conceito Operacional e da Pesquisa Bibliográfica. O tema proposto se enquadrou na linha de pesquisa Hermenêutica e Principiologia Constitucional, tendo como área de concentração Fundamentos do Direito Positivo

The object of study of this Dissertation is the Criminal Accusation, the formulation of which was markedly consigned to the institutional attributions of the Public Prosecution Service, granted by the 1988 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Brazil. The report opens up a hermeneutic conversation on the subject, outlining some essential concepts about its preliminary understanding. It also highlights the relationships between Accusation and the symbolic systems: the perceptions or social images of the Punitive Power that structure the Accusation and, at the same time, are structured by it. It formulates questions on the way in which the Accusation is formed; and the interconnections between habits of production of criminological consensus and the legal forms of recognition of truths. In a critical examination, it addresses the dominant paradigm of Accusation and its consequences in the accusatory praxis of the Brazilian Public Prosecution Service. As a result of this reflection, a model of non-authoritarian Accusation is proposed that is capable of establishing itself in a new basis for discernment and recognition of the accusatory truth by Constitutional Hermeneutics (emancipatory accusatory reason). In terms of methodology, this Investigation uses the Inductive Method; for the Data treatment it uses the Cartesian Method, and in the Report of the Results, the logical basis used is the inductive one, supported by…

Advisors/Committee Members: Paulo de Tarso Brandão, Álvaro Borges de Oliveira.

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Cette thèse tente de vérifier La légitimité et la possibilité de concrétiser un futur gouvernement ou État islamique, par le moyen de mettre en évidence les perceptions des partisans islamistes qui appartiennent aux deux groupes politico-religieux différents, l'un est approuvé par l'Etat tandis que l'autre n’est pas approuvé. Dans le cadre général du socio-cognition et de l'anthropologie, et à la lumière de la présence d'une croyance inévitable et absolu détenu par les partisans islamistes sur l'état islamique, cette thèse étudie la compatibilité des perceptions de ces islamistes avec les concepts largement reconnu comme moderne , incarnés, par exemple, dans la démocratie, la séparation des pouvoirs et les élections. La pertinence de cette étude réside dans l'anticipation de la présence d'un état futur basé sur la loi islamique, et la présence actuelle de certains gouvernements islamiques ou gouvernements dirigés par des islamistes dans le monde arabe se présente comme une preuve d'une telle anticipation. La thèse, par conséquent, adopte une approche pluridisciplinaire fondée, d'abord, sur une partie anthropologique à travers laquelle l'observation des partisans des deux groupes politico-religieux est destinée à retracer la manière dont l'État islamique comme croyance peut être transformée en un projet d'avenir. Deuxièmement, une étude sociocognitive basée sur un questionnaire et des interviews a pour but de mettre en évidence statistique les possibilités de réalisation d'un futur État islamique avec un système constitutionnel moderne où les libertés individuelles et les droits des minorités sont respectés et acceptés. Les deux approches sont utilisés d’une façon complémentaire pour répondre à la question: Est-il possible de concrétiser un futur Etat islamique avec un système constitutionnel moderne généralement fondé sur l'acceptation des droits de l'homme et des libertés, compte tenu de la présence d'une croyance inévitable et absolue à un tel état, adoptée par les partisans de ces mouvements politico-religieux? Les conclusions tirées de cette thèse, qui servent comme une réponse à la question, confirment, à travers les données anthropologiques et statistiques, qu'un Etat islamique moderne est possible dans l'avenir, surtout avec la présence des partisans islamistes qui sont prêts à subir un changement conceptuel en ce qui concerne une partie de leurs croyances. En conséquence, la thèse recommande, surtout par rapport aux groupes politico-religieux non approuvés, de lancer une discussion ouverte et sincère, de la part de l'Etat, en présence des perceptions modérées d'un Etat islamique moderne, détenus par un certain nombre de partisans non-approuvés.

The legitimacy and the possibility of concretizing a future Islamic state or government is what this thesis is trying to investigate by means of highlighting perceptions of Islamist partisans belonging to two different politico-religious groups; one is approved by the state whereas the other is not. Within the general framework of socio-cognition and anthropology,…

Advisors/Committee Members: Candau, Joël (thesis director), El Houcine, Ouazzini Ibrahimi (thesis director).

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O presente estudo trata do Sistema Constitucional das Crises na Constituição de 1988, especificamente sobre estado de defesa e estado de sítio. Tratamos dos pressupostos, procedimento de decretação e efeitos incidentes sobre os direitos fundamentais. Iniciamos com a abordagem do percurso histórico no Direito estrangeiro e nacional, relatando as arbitrariedades praticadas. O Direito estrangeiro vigente foi objeto de capítulo específico, com abordagem dos instrumentos de exceção em nove países (Itália, França, Espanha, Portugal, Alemanha, Argentina, Peru, Venezuela e Estados Unidos da América), comparando os aspectos mais importantes desses sistemas. Em outro capítulo interpretamos as normas da Constituição Brasileira de 1988 comuns ao estado de defesa e ao estado de sítio para, no capítulo seguinte, apreciar as questões específicas. Visamos à construção de uma teoria baseada no direito Direito constitucional positivo, acerca dos limites do estado de defesa e do estado de sítio e, outrossim, delimitando a abrangência do controle das medidas de acordo com o Estado Democrático de Direito

This study deals with the Constitutional System of Crisis in the Constitution of 1988, specifically on state of defense and siege condition. We deal of assumptions, decreeing effects, and incidental effects on fundamental rights. We started with the approach of in the historic route of National and Foreign Law, reporting the arbitrariness which has been practiced. The current foreign is the object of a specific chapter, with the approach of exception instruments in nine countries (Italy, France, Spain, Portugal, Germany, Argentina, Peru, Venezuela and the United States), comparing the most important aspects of systems. In another chapter, we interpret the rules of the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 ordinary to the state of defense and siege state in order to, in the following chapter, appreciate the specific issues. We aim the construction of a theory, based on the positive constitutional right, about the limits of the state of defense and state of siege and also in defining the scope of measure control in accordance with the Democratic State of Law

Advisors/Committee Members: André Ramos Tavares.

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O fenômeno da constitucionalização do direito e, principalmente, a internacionalização do direito constitucional, tem demonstrado a necessidade de uma observância cuidadosa na materialidade das normas jurídicas. Essa análise torna-se imprescindível em face de que, reconhecendo determinada norma como constitucional, deverá ser dispensada a ela, a imperatividade da força normativa constitucional, como produto do princípio da supremacia constitucional, da rigidez constitucional, e servirá, inclusive, de paradigma para o controle de constitucionalidade. O reconhecimento do caráter constitucional de determinadas normas fora do documento constitucional, atribui-se a denominação de Bloco de Constitucionalidade. Esse cenário tem produzido reflexos no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, especialmente, na proteção dos direitos fundamentais, através da Emenda Constitucional n 45 de 2004. Entretanto, parte da doutrina, neste inclui o nosso posicionamento, já reconhecia que o sistema constitucional brasileiro, primando por uma interpretação sistêmica e teleológica de suas normas, prescrevia desde a promulgação da Constituição de 1988 pela identificação de normas constitucionais distante do texto constitucional, com fundamentos no 2, do art. 5, bem como nos princípios constitucionais implícitos. Dessa forma, como as normas constitucionais são identificadas a partir da sua materialidade ou formalidade constitucional, no sistema constitucional brasileiro a admissão do bloco de constitucionalidade acaba por tornar-se inegável, mas algumas conseqüências advêm dessa constatação. De qualquer forma, a ordem jurídica brasileira encontra-se em expansão constante permitindo ao interprete proteger sempre a identidade constitucional e a prevalência dos direitos fundamentais

The phenomenon of the constitucionalization of the right and, mainly, the internationalization of the constitucional law, have demonstrated the necessity of a careful observance in the materiality of the rules of law. This analysis becomes essential in face from that, recognizing determined norm as constitutional, it will have to be excused, the imperatividade of the constitutional normative force, as product of the principle of the constitutional supremacy, the constitutional rigidity, and will serve, also, of paradigm for the constitutionality control. The recognition of the constitutional character of determined norms is of the constitutional document, attributes denomination to it of Block of Constitutionality. This scene has produced reflected in the Brazilian legal system, especially, in the protection of the basic rights, through the Constitutional Emendation n 45 of 2004. However, part of the doctrine, in this includes our positioning, already it recognized that the Brazilian constitutional system, electing for a systematic and teleologic interpretation of its norms, prescribed since the promulgation of the Constitution of 1988 for the distant identification of constitutional ruleses of the constitutional text, with beddings in 2, of art. 5, as well as in the…

Advisors/Committee Members: Maria Garcia.

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Lietuvai atgavus Nepriklausomybę, pradėta kurti nacionalinė teisės sistema, laisva nuo politinio diktato ir orientuota į demokratinės visuomenės teisinio reguliavimo poreikius. Įstojus į Europos Sąjungą labai svarbus tampa demokratinių valstybių pripažįstamų teisinių prioritetų įgyvendinimas mūsų šalyje. Šių dienų demokratinė visuomenė ypatingą reikšmę teikia žmogaus teisių ir laisvių prioritetui, atviros pilietinės visuomenės, teisinės valstybės idėjoms. Demokratija, žmogaus, kaip individo, teisių gerbimas, geras valdymas − tai geistini XXI amžiaus modernios Lietuvos visuomenės ir valstybės gyvavimo elementai. Demokratinėje visuomenėje piliečiai ne tik turi teisę, bet ir yra skatinami patys įgyvendinti savo teises suteikiant jų įgyvendinimui subjektinių teisių ir pareigų vienovės pavidalą. Tokį pavidalą įgyjantis teisės įgyvendinimas yra abipusės pagarbos ir apsikeitimo paslaugomis tarp visuomenės narių procesas. Lietuvos Respublikos, kaip šiuolaikinės demokratinės valstybės, teisinė sistema orientuojasi į pilietinę teisės sampratą ir teisinę valstybę. Pilietinė teisės samprata – kad teisių ir pareigų vienovė yra prigimtinė, o ne nustatyta valstybės; ji kyla ne iš valstybės valios, o iš pačių piliečių abipusių pastangų užtikrinti savo teisių saugumą ir plėtrą remiantis lygiavertiškumu ir lygiaverčiais mainais. Tačiau tais atvejais, kai pačių piliečių pastangų įgyvendinti ir apginti savo teises nepakanka, jie turi teisę kreiptis pagalbos į valstybės institucijas, turinčias... [to full text]

The Seimas Ombudsmen of the Republic of Lithuania make a part of the international system of ombudsman institutions. The origin of this system, which is a constituent part of parliamentary democracy, was and is related to the need to defend human rights from unlawful or even criminal acts of officers of state government and municipal institutions when they take the form of abuse of office and bureaucracy. The Master’s thesis titled „The Place of the Seimas Ombudsmen in the Legal System of the Republic of Lithuania” aims to analyse the specific features of the activity of the Seimas Ombudsmen and its importance when ensuring the protection of citizens’ constitutional rights and improving state governance, as well as to identify the problems of efficiency of its activity and propose solutions. In my thesis I: 1. Identified the distinguishing features of the activity of the Seimas Ombudsmen of the Republic of Lithuania; 2. Investigated the specific features of relations between the Seimas Ombudsmen institution and the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania and the principles of legal regulation; 3. Disclosed the role of the Seimas Ombudsmen when improving public administration; 4. Analysed the main similarities and differences between the powers of the Seimas Ombudsmen and those of administrative courts; 5. Identified the problems of efficiency of activity of the Seimas Ombudsmen‘s Office and proposed solutions how to improve its activities. Aiming to reveal as many aspects of the... [to full text]

Advisors/Committee Members: Vaitiekienė, Elena (Master’s degree committee member), Jarašiūnas, Egidijus (Master’s degree committee member), Buišienė, Ona (Master’s degree committee member), Vidrinskaitė, Saulė (Master’s degree committee member), Kalinauskas, Gintaras (Master’s degree committee member), Jančauskaitė, Gintarė (Master’s degree session secretary), Mesonis, Gediminas (Master’s degree committee chair), Varaška, Mantas (Master’s degree committee member), Markauskas, Laimonas (Master’s degree committee member), Birmontienė, Toma (Master’s degree committee member), Vainiūtė, Milda (Master’s degree committee member), Sinkevičius, Vytautas (Master’s degree committee member), Žilys, Juozas (Master’s degree committee member).