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You searched for +publisher:"Rutgers University" +contributor:("University of Massachussetts Amherst"). Showing records 1 – 2 of 2 total matches.

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Rutgers University

1. de Lacy, Paul V. The formal expression of markedness.

Degree: PhD, Linguistics, 2002, Rutgers University

This dissertation presents a formal theory of markedness, set within Optimality Theory. Two of the leading ideas are (a) hierarchical markedness relations may be ignored, but never reversed and (b) the more marked an element is, the greater the pressure to preserve it. Examples of (a) are found in sonority-driven stress systems. In Gujarati, low vowels attract stress away from mid vowels, while Nganasan's stress system makes no distinction between the two categories. So, while stressed mid vowels are more marked than stressed low vowels (as shown by Gujarati), that distinction can be conflated (as in Nganasan). However, in no language is the markedness relation reversed: stressed mid vowels are never preferred over stressed low vowels. An example of (b) is found in Yamphu. /t/ is eliminated through a process of debuccalization. In contrast, the more marked segments /k/ and /p/ remain intact; these segments avoid the debuccalization process because they are highly marked and thereby excite greater preservation. Ideas (a) and (b) are formally expressed as a set of constraint-formation conditions. For constraints on output structures ('markedness' constraints), if a constraint assigns a violation to an element p in scale S, then the constraint also assigns a violation to every element that is more marked than p in S. An analogous proposal applies to faithfulness (i.e. preservation) constraints: if a faithfulness constraint bans an unfaithful mapping from element p in scale S, then the constraint also bans unfaithful mappings from all elements that are more marked than p in S. The result is that - regardless of the constraints' ranking - more marked elements are both subject to more stringent output conditions and preserved more faithfully than lesser-marked ones. The constraints are also shown to allow distinctions between scale categories to be collapsed. A wide range of phonological phenomena provide evidence for the theoretical proposals, including analyses and typologies of sonority-driven stress (Nganasan, Gujarati, Kiriwina, and Harar Oromo), tone-driven stress, vowel and consonant epenthesis, vowel reduction (Dutch), coda neutralization (Malay and Yamphu), Place assimilation (Catalan, Ponapean, Korean, Swedish, and Sri Lankan Portuguese Creole), and coalescence (Attic Greek and Pali). Advisors/Committee Members: University of Massachussetts Amherst.

Subjects/Keywords: Phonology; Formal analysis; sonority-driven stress; epenthesis; coalescence; conflation; stringency; Neutralization (Linguistics); Assimilation (Phonetics)

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APA · Chicago · MLA · Vancouver · CSE | Export to Zotero / EndNote / Reference Manager

APA (6th Edition):

de Lacy, P. V. (2002). The formal expression of markedness. (Doctoral Dissertation). Rutgers University. Retrieved from http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.1/rucore00000002165.ETD.000064918

Chicago Manual of Style (16th Edition):

de Lacy, Paul V. “The formal expression of markedness.” 2002. Doctoral Dissertation, Rutgers University. Accessed August 08, 2020. http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.1/rucore00000002165.ETD.000064918.

MLA Handbook (7th Edition):

de Lacy, Paul V. “The formal expression of markedness.” 2002. Web. 08 Aug 2020.

Vancouver:

de Lacy PV. The formal expression of markedness. [Internet] [Doctoral dissertation]. Rutgers University; 2002. [cited 2020 Aug 08]. Available from: http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.1/rucore00000002165.ETD.000064918.

Council of Science Editors:

de Lacy PV. The formal expression of markedness. [Doctoral Dissertation]. Rutgers University; 2002. Available from: http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.1/rucore00000002165.ETD.000064918


Rutgers University

2. Gouskova, Maria. Deriving Economy: Syncope in Optimality Theory.

Degree: PhD, Linguistics, 2003, Rutgers University

This dissertation proposes that markedness constraints in Optimality Theory are lenient: a form can be marked with respect to a constraint only if there is another form that is unmarked. Thus, no constraint bans the least marked thing. The central consequence of this idea is that there are no economy constraints that penalize structure as such. Economy effects follow from the interaction of lenient markedness constraints. Economy constraints are shown to be not only unnecessary but actually harmful: their very presence in CON predicts unattested patterns that remove structure regardless of markedness. Chapter 2 develops the theory of CON and argues that various structural economy effects (preferences for smaller structures over larger ones and for fewer structures over more) follow from constraint interaction. Also addressed are economy effects that involve the deletion of input structure, including foot-sized maximum effects in truncation and syllable-sized and segment-sized maximum effects in reduplication. OT's economy constraints of the *STRUC family are argued to produce unattested patterns under re-ranking and are excluded from CON as a matter of principle. Chapter 3 examines metrical syncope in Hopi, Tonkawa, and Southeastern Tepehuan. Different patterns fall out from the interaction of the same metrical markedness constraints in language-specific rankings. All of these constraints have other, non-economy effects – in principle, they can be satisfied by the addition of structure as well as by removal of structure. Metrical shortening and syncope remove marked structure, not all structure: the well-formedness of an output is determined by the distribution of weight in its feet and exhaustivity of footing, not by the number of syllables, moras, and feet. Chapter 4 examines differential syncope in Lillooet, Lushootseed, and the Lebanese and Mekkan dialects of Arabic. Under the leniency hypothesis, there are constraints against low-sonority syllable nuclei and foot peaks but not high-sonority ones; likewise, there are constraints against high-sonority foot margins but not high-sonority vowels in general. The interaction of lenient constraints cannot duplicate the effects of economy constraints. There are real crosslinguistic asymmetries in attested differential syncope patterns that can only be explained if we abandon the notion that "everything is marked." Advisors/Committee Members: University of Massachussetts Amherst.

Subjects/Keywords: Phonology; syncope; vowel shotening; vowel deletion; apocope; Economy (Linguistics); Grammar, Comparative and general – Vowel reduction

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APA · Chicago · MLA · Vancouver · CSE | Export to Zotero / EndNote / Reference Manager

APA (6th Edition):

Gouskova, M. (2003). Deriving Economy: Syncope in Optimality Theory. (Doctoral Dissertation). Rutgers University. Retrieved from http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.1/rucore00000002165.ETD.000064919

Chicago Manual of Style (16th Edition):

Gouskova, Maria. “Deriving Economy: Syncope in Optimality Theory.” 2003. Doctoral Dissertation, Rutgers University. Accessed August 08, 2020. http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.1/rucore00000002165.ETD.000064919.

MLA Handbook (7th Edition):

Gouskova, Maria. “Deriving Economy: Syncope in Optimality Theory.” 2003. Web. 08 Aug 2020.

Vancouver:

Gouskova M. Deriving Economy: Syncope in Optimality Theory. [Internet] [Doctoral dissertation]. Rutgers University; 2003. [cited 2020 Aug 08]. Available from: http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.1/rucore00000002165.ETD.000064919.

Council of Science Editors:

Gouskova M. Deriving Economy: Syncope in Optimality Theory. [Doctoral Dissertation]. Rutgers University; 2003. Available from: http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.1/rucore00000002165.ETD.000064919

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